|
DPMF Publications: |
|
Plenary Session discussion - Day 4 |
After the three reports had been presented, the plenary session went on coffee
break to commence discussion on the reports immediately after the break.
He
raised the issue of political conditionality by the World Bank and the
multilateral institutions on democracy and good governance in Africa.
He contends that these issues should not be externally driven and the
choice determined by outsiders. For
him, the people should be allowed to choose what is best for them.
She
raised issues on two major things. These
are:
1.
The idea of free press which group I recommended as being germane to
democratization. She argues that
this is quite important and must be taken seriously.
2.
The issue of gender equality. She
advocated that a centre for Gender Equality should be established
possibly as an arm of the OAU or as an autonomous NGO to coordinate issues on
gender and promote the cause of gender equality.
He
followed up the issue of the media raised by Amanda.
He insists that it is essential that the media is free in spite of the
form of ownership of the media. On
gender issue, Oyediran cautioned that although gender issue is important, women
should not arrogate to themselves the sole wisdom of discussing the issue as it
is currently happening.
He
raised the issue of elections discussed by Group I.
He said that Group I should clarify what it means by good remuneration
for those managing elections, and also the issue of an equal leveled field for
political parties in the electoral arena, as ruling parties almost everywhere
have used the power of incumbency in the electoral process.
Furthermore, he contends that there is a need to clarify the notion of
peasantry. Who is a peasant? In addition, he raised the issue of party funding.
Should there be a limit to party funding even by members?
Should ruling parties be allowed to appropriate state resources for their
parties? Also, he raised a question
on civil society. He admits that
civil society existed in the colonial era in Africa, as Group II observed in its
report, he, however, raised important queries regarding the nature of that civil
society.
After
this contribution, the chairman intervened in the discussion by inviting
Franco-phone participants to contribute, and if need be, such will be translated
into English by other participants present, who have volunteered to do so in the
absence of an interpreter.
He
raised a question of clarification on the difference(s) between peasant
organizations and peasant mobilization. That
the peasantry is mobilized for a political purpose/cause does not mean that the
peasantry as a social category is organized.
He
commented on a few issues and these include:
1.
How is the problem of civil control over the military to be resolved in
Africa. The military has in most
African countries constituted itself to be a serious obstacle in the process of
democratization in Africa. He
suggests that the plenary session must consider very seriously the issues of
militarization and demobilization. And
that the option of a non-military state as in Costa Rica, which some have
suggested, requires to be well discussed.
2.
The impact of the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) on the
democratization process requires some attention, as what is going on in Africa
currently are double transitions - political and economic - which may not impact
on each other favorably.
3.
The issue of the role of the Western nations and multilateral
institutions in Africa’s democratization process also requires close scrutiny. Their role as the example of some countries clearly
illustrate may not be so positive and benevolent, sometimes it is very dubious
and questionable.
O.
Oyediran
He
reacted to comments made to the report of his group.
He said he agrees with the comment made on finding a way on how to
maintain civil control over the military.
His comments
too was a reaction to the comments made on the report of his Group (Group III)
which he presented. He said his
group did not say that there is an explicit relationship between democracy and
good governance. That the
relationship is one of asymmetrical one. That
is, democracy does not necessarily produce good governance, while good
governance can promote or facilitate democracy.
Also, he warned that there is the need to exercise a lot of vigilance by
the civil society in Nigeria with regard to the democratization process and the
possible return of the military. According
to him, in the case of Ghana under Achempong, it appeared that the military
wanted to go, but sooner than later, they were back in power.
The
concern of the two participants was mainly on the press.
In their view, the control of the press and the interests it serves, have
an economic dimension. Those who
own the press determine the nature of news reporting, etc., denying in most
cases the people and the opposition parities a voice in the media.
This needs to be rectified.
He
queried the notion of primitive accumulation used by Group II in their
presentation. According to him, the
concept of primitive accumulation arose out of the historical experiences of
Western countries in the early process of the development of the capitalism, and
he then questioned its relevance to the African context.
Also, he argues that there appears to be a confusion in the use of the
term state and government. That, if
this confusion is not clarified, we should possibly be talking about civil
society-government relations and not civil society-state relations.
Mafeje’s
comment was partly a reaction to the last observation on civil society-state
relations. According to him, we
could talk of state-civil society relations, and we could abstract the civil
society from the state. He cited a few examples on the complexity of this
interaction. For instance, a state
may not exist in Somalia, but there is a civil society. A state might have collapsed in a place like Rwanda or the
Congo, but a government exist and there is of course civil society.
The point being made is that the interaction between civil society and
the state may be complex, but it is real.
His
comments were on the peasantry. He
contends that the peasantry exists in Africa.
However, the kind of organizations they have are essentially cooperative
societies, where they undertake more of self-help projects.
He suggests that there is the need to study closely peasant organizations
properly and what kind of consciousness they have and how that impacts on the
political process.
She
commented on Group III’s report. She
supports the idea of setting up of the office of the ombudsman for African
countries where complaints of children, war victims, etc. can be heard and
addressed.
The
issue of no minimum age limit for participating in election contest recommended
by Group I, in which they suggested that an electorate who is old enough to vote
should also be qualified to be voted for, generated intense controversy among
the participants. On the one hand,
some argue that not providing a minimum age limit for seeking public office may
ridicule the political and electoral processes, as “under-aged” and
incompetent hands may find their way into power or key elected public offices.
On the other hand, some argue that first, it is the prerogative of the
electorate to determine who they want to serve them.
If they want an 18-year old person to rule them, once it is done through
the electoral process, reflecting the wishes of the people, then so be it. Secondly, that youths in Africa are currently very dynamic
and should be allowed to take positions of responsibility and decision-making.
Thirdly, that if you enfranchise a person to vote, it is fair that he
should be allowed or be capable to be voted for.
Fourthly, that there is no linkage between age and good performance or
ruler-ship, while some elderly ones have performed very dismally, some younger
ones have done a little better.
It
was resolved that the issue of age qualification for seeking public office
should be made country specific. That
is, left to each country to determine depending on their local peculiarities and
circumstances.
Diossely Kone
He
raised the issue of what the boundary of the discussion of Groups II and III
should be. He contends that Group
II went beyond its mandate in discussing the issue of democracy and good
governance and as such it was outside the scope of their mandate and that is
possibly why there is a lot of contradiction in the position of the group and
that of Group III on good governance and democracy.
Darga and Mafeje
Darga
and Mafeje reacted to the last comment. Their
position was that there is no rigid mandate for the groups in their discussion
and that it was appropriate for Group II to have discussed the issue of good
governance and democracy.
Darga
Darga
called the attention of the forum to three major issues which have been raised
in the course of the discussion, which participants need to draw their attention
to. These are:
1.
the peasantry
2.
state
3.
democracy and good governance.
Consequently, discussion
was opened on these issues which the chairman highlighted.
Adejumobi and Biaya
Adejumobi
said that what Group II sought to do by discussing the issue of democracy and
good governance was to conceptualize those terms, show their
linkage and historicise them, in order to set them in proper context and
understand how they have become major issues both of political discourse and
emerging political agenda for African countries.
Biaya on his part underscored the role of the World Bank in undermining
good governance in Zaire (now the Republic of Congo).
Result
Of Conference Reports And Papers And The Way Forward For DPMF
After
general discussions had been completed on the reports, the next issue which came
up for discussion was on what is to be done with the Conference papers and
reports and what is apparently the way forward for DPMF to make it more
effective, relevant and productive. A
‘few suggestions emerged’.
First,
some suggested that the Conference proceedings should be published in a book, in
which some of the papers and reports would be included and widely circulated to
African Universities, research centers, government agencies, state officials and
policy makers and so on.
Second,
there was a suggestion by Amanda Peterson, that her organization which deals
with publishing and information dissemination through a Magazine, can assist in
popularizing the activities of DPMF and the results of its Conferences.
Archie
Mafeje raised the issue concerning the direction and focus of DPMF.
He pointed out the various levels at which an organization could operate,
and these include knowledge production and dissemination, but as for him, he is
interested in the generation of knowledge.
He asked what kind of knowledge has DPMF produced in the last two years
and what is its mission? Is it
policy analysis, knowledge production or policy management?
Further, Mafeje suggests that there may be the need to set up a committee
to look at and edit the proceedings of the meeting and produce a book from it,
thereafter the issue of dissemination of what is produced may then arise.
Both
Mutahaba and Abdalla Bujra, the Executive Director, responded to the comment on
the direction and focus of DPMF.
Mutahaba contends that DPMF was set up to provide discourse and ideas
beyond the issue of structure and institutions on policy issues, and go into the
area of policy processes, though examining the social dynamics of policy, its
environment, forces at play, analyze all these and make recommendations.
Bujra
on his part pointed out that DPMF is at its formative stage, as it came into
existence about three years ago and has been trying hard to find its bearing and
carve out niche for itself. It is
an organization in its gestation period. The
organization was formerly referred to as DPMN (Development Policy Management
Network), but was later changed to DPMF intended to capture the dynamics of the
tasks it has to perform. According
to Bujra, the African environment is in a state of flux which DPMF has been
trying to grapple with. The main
idea of DPMF is to produce ideas, to further the frontiers of knowledge, analyze
and create a forum for knowledge producers and policy makers to exchange views
towards a better knowledge generation and policy.
In
Bujra’s view, the purpose of this conference is to try and create new
frontiers of knowledge on the topical issues of democracy, civil society and
good governance.
Bujra
also reiterated the need for the setting up of an advisory committee to advise
the organization on its activities generally, which include setting the agenda
for the next conference, editing the 1998 conference papers and recommending new
areas of activities.
A
participant raised the issue of how the conference reports when eventually
produced will get across to the policy makers and how will it influence policy
making in African countries.
Bujra
responded to him, arguing that the gap between knowledge production and policy
making is a problem which has existed for a long time.
Even when policy makers get the result of a conference, there is no
possibility that it would be utilized as there are numerous competing inputs and
pressures which go into policy-making. However,
Bujra disclosed that the result of DPMF’s activities are usually widely
disseminated through the conference proceedings, bulletins, etc. The Bulletin of
the DPMF, for example, is usually produced in a simple language, so that
everybody can read it.
Said
Adejumobi attempted to put in a clearer picture and summarized the major thrust
of the discussion on the way forward for DPMF.
According to him, the discussion centers on one single issue.
That is, the mission statement of the DPMF and the strategies for
achieving it. He said such a talk
should better be left to the board and the secretariat of the DPMF to sort out
as it borders on the existence of the organization itself.
However, he said within the broad scope of policy management which DPMF
says is its goal, four levels of focus can be identified.
These are:
1.
Knowledge production and dissemination
2.
Policy advocacy
3.
Training
4.
Providing a forum for policy makers, academics, and civil society actors
to exchange ideas, which may not necessarily lead to knowledge production.
He
advised that the Board and the Secretariat should deliberate properly on this,
and streamline their focus after which an advisory committee may be set up to
assist in carrying out its identified target.
The
chairman of the session, Mr. Darga, on behalf of participants thanked the
conference organizers especially the secretariat led by Mrs. Martha Kebede for
organizing a highly successful conference.
Bujra,
the Executive Director of DPMF, gave the vote of thanks.
He thanked everybody for honoring the invitation of the DPMF and
participating in the conference very well.
1.
That democratization in Africa should be endogenously situated and not
driven by external forces. Although
external forces may complement positively the struggle for democracy in
Africa.
2.
That a free press is germane to the democratization process in Africa,
and such must be well encouraged
3.
That political parities must have equal opportunities in the political
and electoral processes, including the ruling parties not having undue
advantages in funding, electoral laws and procedure.
4.
That the issue of minimum age limit as a criterion for the qualification
for the contest for public office should be left to each country to decide.
However, the mood of the discussion tilted towards eradicating minimum
age limit for contesting for public office.
If an electorate is old enough to vote, he should be qualified or capable
of being voted for.
5.
That a vibrant civil society is key to a new culture of politics.
And the civil society itself must show features of accountability and
internal democracy in its activities for it to impact positively on politics and
governance in Africa.
6.
That civil control over the military is germane to successful
democratization in Africa and that the issues of demilitarization and
demobilization of the armed forces in African countries were unnecessarily large
armed forces concerning the public funds. If
possible, the idea of a non-military state as in Costa Rica may be considered
for most African countries. In this
situation, a regional military force is created to handle the issue of regional
security.
7.
That the economic context of democratization in Africa is quite important
and must be seriously considered, as such determines the scope of the economic
and social space afforded by the political project.
8.
That the relationship between democracy and good governance is not
obvious and may be more complicated than imagined.
9.
That the result of the conference (i.e. the papers) should be published
and well circulated globally.
10.
That an advisory committee should be set up by DPMF to deliberate upon
and advise DPMF generally on its activities, including handling the editing of
the 1998 conference papers and ensuring their publication, suggesting the theme
of the 1999 conference and assisting in clarifying a new course for the
organization.