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DPMF Publications: |
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Democratization, Gender and Conflict in African Countries |
“And
tell me, what use is the ship-of-state if all are not on board?”
From Tijan M.Sallah, The state
Background
After several decades of foreign domination, cultural suppression and
economic exploitation, all independent African countries are still
underdeveloped. Despite the
well intended policies on democracy and good governance, peace pacts and
development programs being drawn, countries have only ended up in inter ethnic
clashes, civil wars, or full scale genocide as the case of Kenya, Liberia and
Rwanda. The origins of these crises
are so varied and complex that they cannot be simplified into one simple cause
but a close analysis shows that colonial legacies, internal factors within
states and to an extent the very nature of human society could be mentioned as
the major causes.
Conflicts in essence are organic parts of human societies and are
essentially a manifestation of an inherent contradiction in social relations.
However, when they reach the level of open violence, it is due to
societal failure in managing its people in a peaceful, just and equitable
manner. This is why the explanation
for increasing conflicts on the African continent seems to lie in types of
governance at work.
In good governance, democracy and development management, people are the
means and the end to their own development.
They have different amounts of power and resources and different
interests all of which the governments must try to represent and respond to if
they are to act effectively. In
nearly all African governments, the needs and preferences of the wealthy and
powerful are official policy goals and priorities. This is rarely true of the
poor and marginalized who struggle to get their voices heard in the corridors of
power. As a result, these and other less vocal groups tend to be ill served by
public policies and services, including those that should benefit them most.
Contrary to the above reality development experts have been looking at
poor people as the problem and the solution of which is believed to bring
knowledge and technology from outside.
From the social and economic aspect of the matter, in the Berlin
Conference, the African continent was partitioned among the major European
powers. The driving force and the rationale behind the European scramble for
Africa then was to secure control of precious raw material sources to feed
European industries. As a direct consequence of this, African peoples were
dissected into several colonial domains without consideration to human geography
or ethnic identity whatsoever. Such divisions have had grave consequences on the
socio- economic and cultural survival of the people in the Great Lakes region.
In 1982, Kinyarwanda speaking Ugandans were expelt from Uganda on the
pretext that they were not “true” Ugandans during the infamous
“Banyarwanda exodus.” The discriminate Ugandans had to join hands with the
warring Uganda Patriotic Movement led by Yoweri Museveni, the present Ugandan
president, to overthrow President Milton Obote.
In 1997, the late president Mobutu of Zaire followed suit.
Expulsion of the indigenous Banyamulenge labeled Rwandese became the
immediate cause of the fall of the Kinshasa regime.
Indirect consequences include
discrimination in favor of a few elite, ethnic and regional divisions all of
which were emerged by colonialists and became more entrenched by the
post-colonial regimes. For example,
in Rwanda, Belgians established exclusive schools for the Tutsi administrators
and ordinary Hutus. This division created the
development of a serious rift between the two, and that coupled with other
factors, culminated in the genocide that almost exterminated entire families. In
Uganda, the British governors insisted that for anyone to be recruited in the
Army, he had to be 5-Foot tall. The reason was to favor the tall Nilotics
against the Bantu westerners.
On gender equality, the policies of discrimination and exclusion of women
aggravated the already existing imbalances to gradual dis-empowerment of a large
section of the population.
After independence there were, in some cases, evident attempts in Africa
to overcome the problems inherited from colonialism and to chart a long-term
sustainable development strategy. In a few cases such as in Tanzania, the
transition has been peaceful, though not without problems.
In other countries (e.g. Uganda and Rwanda), the transition was
characterized by calamitous events that spelled a heavy loss of life,
large-scale human sufferings, great human and material destruction.
This research paper highlights the link between good governance and
gender equality to the challenges of conflict prevention, management and
resolution with particular emphasis on Rwanda.
1.
The
Road to Good Governance and Democratization
Since 1959, Rwandese have gone through a period of turmoil and relentless
human rights abuses. During this period, the state machinery became an
instrument of violence against sections of the population. Denied the rights to
citizenship, Rwandese became some of the earliest refugees on the African
continent. Discrimination on the basis of ethnicity and regional differences
became more entrenched and wide spread. Political exclusion became the guiding
principle in theory and practice. Social and economic benefits became more and
more exclusive privileges of a narrow circle of those who were in power.
Having exhausted all possible peaceful means to redress the unsolved
problems, the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) waged an armed struggle against the
Kigali regime in October 1990. In
1993, the former government of Rwanda and the warring RPF signed a peace accord
in Arusha. This agreement was to be the starting point of decentralization and
democratic governance for Rwanda. The key elements for this type of governance
are:
ª
Participation of all
citizens including marginalized groups like the rural poor and women in the
democratization process;
ª
Transparency;
ª
Accountability;
ª
Respect for human rights;
ª
Rule of law.
The
establishment of the Government of National Unity in 1994 was a step further in
this struggle to reconcile and unite Rwandese people, eradicate the culture of
impunity and create a new political dispensation based on inclusion.
It was also important to establish conditions for social and economic
transformation, guarantee security for all Rwandese people and their property.
The
agreement was signed before the genocide. On coming into power the new
government’s immediate challenge was to address unforeseen problems caused by
the genocide and prevent the country from sliding further into conflict by:
ª
Ensuring safe return of old
and new caseload refugees
ª
Resettling the old caseload
refugees as stipulated in the 1993 Arusha peace accord.
ª
Strengthening the social
fabric and creating an atmosphere of peace and reconciliation.
ª
Putting mechanisms for
transition from relief, rehabilitation in order to achieve sustainable national
development.
1.1
Justification for Democratization
and Good Governance
For Rwanda, Participatory Democracy is not only a condition in the Arusha
peace accord but it is a prerequisite towards ensuring gender equality, conflict
prevention, management and resolution. A multiplicity of factors reveals a need
for an approach in governance and development where grassroots people have a
meaningful say in the future they want and even go further to design strategies
towards achieving it. This is true for Africa at large and Rwanda in particular.
The bitter realities in Rwanda’s history plus the need to ensure balanced
sustainable national development spell a dire need for the government’s
unwavering commitment to democracy.
In its attempt to ensure good governance and democracy, Rwanda has made
significant progress in establishing guidelines for broader participation by
civil society at the local and central levels. Some of the key considerations
are highlighted below.
1.1.1 To Correct Mistakes Made by the Past Regimes
The past regimes that led the country to the worst genocide ever recorded
in history used a top-down approach. All policies were conceived and directed
from the center. The governments at the time used centralized power to divide
the people and that culminated in the genocide of 1994. Overcoming these
divisive forces requires a strategy, which facilitates people to see themselves
as partners and beneficiaries of development programs because they are primarily
Rwandese, not because they belong to a particular group or region. A policy on
participatory democracy and development is such a strategy.
1.1.2 To Create an Atmosphere of Peace and Reconciliation
Participatory democracy is a process through which social conflict can be
healed. People with differences are more likely to be united around an activity
that they do jointly than simple rhetoric or projects that are designed for them
by unknown “experts”. In the
process of problem identification, Rwandese have been known to talk about their
differences freely and realized that they have more binding ties than
differences. Participation in their
own development can help Rwandese to concentrate more on what unites them than
what divides them.
1.1.3 Ensure Self Reliance and Sustainable Development
The Government’s vision as expressed through the Ministry of Local
Government is that for any development projects to have impact, the target
groups contribute in an integral way to the identification of their needs and
project designing, project monitoring and evaluation. More often than not, the approach to development has been
“cut and paste” by “experts” who are total strangers to the social
dynamics of the community. These projects are subsequently imposed on the target
population.
Much as the development workers have good intentions of developing the
communities in question, the beneficiaries do not have commitment to their own
development. Target groups should participate in identifying the root causes of
the problems that the projects aim at addressing. Participation at all levels of
project conceptualization increases beneficiaries’ sense of ownership hence
development must lie in the grassroots communities’ own hands to avoid
dependency syndromes.
1.1.4
To Mobilize the People
Experience has made it clear that Rwandese if mobilized can participate
actively. The past regimes mobilized them towards negative participation the
climax of which was the 1994 genocide. However, violence is not a culturally
sanctioned practice and despite all the evils associated with it, it showed that
Rwandese have the capacity to respond to mobilization.
Through empowering them to self-discovery and self-criticism, Rwandese
will be mobilized towards self-liberation, transformation and lasting
development, which is the core of creative human living.
1.1.5 To Foster Democracy
In true democracy, all power belongs to the people who in turn dispense
part of it to their leaders. There is no other time when this power is voiced
than during participatory assessment of social factors.
If final authority rests in the hands of the traditional decision makers
in the top-down approach, there is a risk of raising people’s expectations in
participatory needs assessments and then disappointing them.
Within the government of Rwanda’s decentralization policy, the approach
aims at reinforcing local people’s organizational and participatory
capacities. This will allow rural people to plan and implement activities and
projects according to the priorities they themselves have set. In the same
breath, people will participate in choosing their own leaders, assign them
responsibilities and make them accountable to the electorate.
1.1.6 To Put Resources to a Better Use
Labor supply is one resource that Rwanda has abundantly. Participatory
approach can contribute to positive use of this important resource. Besides
human labor, increased contribution on the part of the beneficiaries themselves
can lead to better allocation of scarce development resources. Through such
people-centered approach, they will be more willing to invest their time and
energy in activities, which they themselves have identified as useful.
1.2
The Role of the State or Local Governance in Democracy
Good governance cannot take place without people’s participation. The
state has the following responsibilities:
ª
to create forum for popular
consultations
ª
the state leadership should
know everything
ª
a providing state is no
state
ª
organize communities for
primary role in sustainable development
1.3
Good Governance Accompanies Participation of the Population.
It requires:
ª
participatory planning
ª
integrating transparency in
management and decision-making
ª
the involvement of
communities in the identification of problems and planning of development
projects
ª
promotion of civil society
Since participation is a key to good governance, the government should
aim at:
(a)
Reconciling the traditional and modern outlook to life (for instance,
viewing civil society as a partner in development);
(b)
Transferring development roles to local level e.g. decision-making,
technology and law. For that reason, participation considers:
(i)
Forming multi-disciplinary teams;
(ii)
Having multi-sectoral backgrounds;
(c)
Integrating these concepts in participatory development;
(d)
Involving gender (women) as a labor force in development.
1.4
Change in Attitude and Behavior
Actors in development should fully understand and be convinced if change
is to have an impact. This calls for popular education and circulation of
information for better participation at all levels.
1.5
Conceptual Framework for Participation in Democratization
Participation is a process through which beneficiaries influence, share
and control the decision-making process in their development at any level. The
government of Rwanda has gone through the four key levels of participation:
1.
Information:
To ensure that institutions and communities are to be part of the game,
they have been informed through the elected women committees and Community
Development Committees.
2.
Consultation:
There has been a two-way communication. Forum for dialogue on community
development, type of governance and the people’s perception of the past,
present, and the future they want to have.
3.
Collaboration and Partnership:
Communities and institutions have to collaborate in the whole process.
Through information and consultation, the ultimate goal was to have Rwandese of
all categories as active partners and not mere beneficiaries who tackled the
participatory approach from the point of view of democratic governance.
1.
Ownership:
The expected long-term achievement is that Rwandese will go beyond
collaboration and ownership and become owners of their own development.
Since participation is not an isolated concept, it is backed by a strong
political will to include civil society in making sustainable social development
analysis.
It takes the following into account:
(a)
Demographic, social, Economic statistics
(b)
Social development organizations
(c)
Political organizations
(d)
Cultural and gender disparities
Gender is a cross-cutting aspect at all levels. It is important to
consider the role of men and women at all these stages. In this paper, the
gender component is treated independently. The cycle below introduces the
central place of gender in conflict prevention and management in participatory
development and democracy.
3.
Gender on the National Agenda
The government of National Unity is committed to the promotion of
equitable development, with the democratic rights of every individual being its
cornerstone. Opening a gender and development seminar organized by the National
Parliament on 4 November 1999, the Vice-President had this to say:
It
is our hope that this seminar will go a long way in bringing from the periphery
the question of gender to the center stage of our political economic and social
agenda and in all matters of critical importance affecting the present and
future well-being of all segments of our society.
For the Government of national unity, gender equality is regarded as a
key tool in solving most of the problems inherited from the previous regimes. In
the same speech, the Vice-president gave his opinion on the same issue; “My
understanding of gender is that it is an issue of good governance, good economic
management and respect of human rights”.
There is an increasing awareness and recognition that gender and women in
development are important variables for sustainable development.
In practice, the following indicators reflect this commitment:
3.2
Increased
Participation of Women in Decision-Making
This forms part of the government’s commitment to have democratic
governance. Women’s involvement
at all levels of decision-making points at more autonomous, responsive and
accountable local governance and broader participation by all citizens at all
levels. There is still a long way to go but there are tangible attempts towards
giving women a meaningful say in the overall national development. The table
below shows a low but positive trend.
Nominated Women in Key Positions
of Decision-Making (Policy Level)
|
Post/Year |
1995 |
1997 |
1999 |
||||||
|
|
M |
W |
%W |
M |
W |
%W |
M |
W |
%W |
|
19 |
2 |
9.5 |
23 |
2 |
86 |
19 |
2 |
9.5 |
|
|
59 |
11 |
15.7 |
59 |
11 |
15.75 |
59 |
15 |
21 |
|
|
Diplomats |
72 |
5 |
6.4 |
72 |
5 |
6.4 |
- |
- |
- |
|
Secretaries General |
17 |
5 |
22.7 |
23 |
4 |
14.8 |
14 |
7 |
33.3 |
|
Prefets |
10 |
1 |
9 |
11 |
1 |
7.6 |
12 |
0 |
0 |
|
Bourgmasters |
142 |
3 |
2 |
152 |
2 |
1.3 |
153 |
1 |
0.6 |
M = Men W= Women
ª
Women Members of parliament
increased from 15.7% in 1995
to 21% in 1999
ª
Women Secretaries General
from 22.7% in 1995 to 33% in 1999
ª
Ministers have remained at
9.5%
ª
Prefets have decreased from
9% in 1995 to 0 % 1999
It
is important to note that during the March 1999 popular elections, women formed
more than 30 % of leaders elected in grass root local committees set up by the
presidential decree of 24 December 1998 on the reorganization of local
administration at sector and cellule levels.
N.B. The observation here is that women appear more through free and fair
elections as exemplified in the elections results in comparison with results in
posts of nomination.
Women Councils
As part of the government’s commitment in creating fora for popular
consultations, women councils have been elected. It is a structure for all women
from all walks of life.
This is where:
ª
They can interact and share
ideas
ª
Women can
get used to analyzing and finding solutions to
their problems
ª
Women can get room to
participate in national development and develop a nationalistic view of their
country
ª
Donors can
reach women easily
ª
Women can learn new skills
and improve on the existing ones
ª
Women’s voice in the
country’s leadership can be reached and their participation in national
programs can be ensured.
3.3 Economic Empowerment of Women
In
Rwanda, women constitute 54% of the total population. Poverty reduction for 54%
of its people is critical not only as a goal in itself but also as a means to
improve prospects for social and political stability.
3.4 Specific Strategies on Education
and Training of the Girl-Child
Education is a basic human right and a foundation for development. The
Government of Rwanda is committed to mapping out concrete measures for all its
school going children (boys and girls) to develop their potential to become
intelligent and productive citizens. Many benefits accrue to the family and
society when women are educated. Family health care and nutrition improve, and
there is a higher chance for child survival and better physical and intellectual
development. Studies have indicated that each additional year of schooling for
women is associated with a decline in infant mortality rate of between 5% and
10%. Higher levels of female
education result in higher aspirations for the children.
For Rwanda, the year 1996 can be considered as the starting point after
the 1994 war and genocide. It marks the opening of some primary schools for
1,017,468 pupils. 49% of these were girls. In the same year, 19,194 students
entered secondary schools and the national university admitted 46 girls.
Education policy in Rwanda is based on three major macro policies:
Development
of human resources
Eradication
of poverty
National economic growth
National reconciliation and national unity considers education for girls
a necessary precondition to the attainment of these objectives. It is not only
that girls constitute a larger percentage of the population but their
fundamental role in the implementation of the macro policies mentioned above was
noted. That is why the government
of national unity and the Ministry of Education give this sub-sector special
attention. The Ministry of Education further recognizes the multiplier effect
that educating a girl or a woman could have on the promotion of education in
general.
4.
The Quest for Peace
4.1
Causes and Consequences of Conflict
African countries have different histories and geographical conditions,
different stages of economic development, different sets of public policies and
different patterns of internal and international interactions. The sources of
conflict in Africa reflect this diversity and complexity. Some causes are purely
internal some others reflect the dynamics of a particular subregion and still
some others have important international dimensions. Despite these differences,
the causes of conflict in Africa have some striking similarities.
4.1.1 External factors
During the Cold War, external efforts to undermine African governments
were a familiar feature of the super powers’ competition. With the end of the
Cold War, external interventions have diminished but not disappeared. The French
played a key role in causing and sustaining the conflict in Rwanda (to be
developed later in the challenges).
4.1.2 Colonial legacy
The 1885 Berlin conference created colonial boundaries, which posed a
threat to the integrity of African communities and even families. Ethnic groups
found themselves divided across colonial boundaries as subjects of different
colonial powers. Examples include the Samias of Uganda and Kenya, the Kenyan
Somalis and the classic example of Kinyarwanda speaking Bafumbira (in Uganda)
and Banyamulenge in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
4.1.3 Internal causes
There is a growing awareness that Africa should look beyond its colonial
past for causes of conflict. African countries should look at themselves for
causes of current conflict. Political policies in many African states, coupled
with the perceived and real consequences of capturing and sticking to power are
key causes of conflict across the continent.
There is an assumption that “the
winner takes it all” became a cause
of internal wars and strife in Uganda for about two decades. A communal sense of
favored and un-favored groups in the community is often closely linked to this
phenomenon. It is in many cases heightened by centralized and highly
personalized forms of governance, with insufficient accountability of leaders,
lack of transparency, inadequate checks and balances, non-adherence to rule of
law, absence of peaceful means to change or replace leadership or lack of
respect for human rights. All these
are common characteristics of the dictatorial regimes in former Zaire, Uganda
and Rwanda. It takes several years of bloody conflicts to rectify such a
situation.
Rwanda is a case to reflect the irreversible consequences of conflicts on
the African continent. All across the country, one meets “Museums” of human
remains, the hopelessness of the survivors of genocide, high numbers of
able-bodied Rwandese languishing in prisons and the social wreckage that comes
with armed conflicts. Research on this wreckage cannot document the full extent
of physical and psychological scars caused during the tragedy that destroyed
much of Rwanda’s human resource.
The tables below attempt to record the violence done against women only.
| Type
of violence |
Direct
questions |
Questions
asked |
Frequencies |
|
|
|
to
victims |
in
general |
% |
|
|
|
374 |
838 |
39.3 |
74.5 |
|
Deep cuts |
752 |
945 |
79.1 |
84.0 |
|
Confinement |
285 |
404 |
30.0 |
35.9 |
|
Undressing |
270 |
475 |
28.4 |
42.2 |
|
Physical torture |
302 |
447 |
31.8 |
39.7 |
|
Humiliation in public |
310 |
401 |
32.6 |
35.6 |
|
Cruel death |
|
1062 |
|
94.4 |
|
Others |
48 |
56 |
5.0 |
5.0 |
|
Total number of
women interviewed |
951 |
1125 |
|
|
Note that the damage was
done to the most sensitive/useful parts of the body
|
Infirmity |
numbers |
Proportion |
|
Amputation of legs |
39 |
7.9 |
|
Amputation of arms |
27 |
5.5 |
|
Amputation of fingers |
8 |
1.6 |
|
Dislocation of joints |
25 |
5.1 |
|
Deep cuts |
17 |
3.5 |
|
Effects on respiratory organs |
11 |
2.2 |
|
Effects on the skeleton |
8 |
1.6 |
|
Effects on the backbone |
6 |
1.2 |
|
Effects on the stomach organs |
12 |
2.3 |
|
Incapacity in using hands |
25 |
5.1 |
|
Incapacity in using legs |
62 |
12.6 |
|
Incapacity in using neck |
3 |
0.6 |
|
Paralysis |
23 |
4.7 |
|
Blindness |
14 |
2.6 |
|
Permanent effect on the head |
20 |
4.1 |
|
Breaking the backbone |
64 |
13.0 |
|
Sterility |
16 |
3.3 |
|
STDs |
26 |
5.3 |
|
AIDS |
327 |
66.7 |
|
Heart problems |
30 |
6.1 |
|
Breathing difficulties |