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Democratization, Gender and Conflict in African Countries
By Mrs. Ephrance Munyantrore Karenzi, Board Member Rwanda Women Network 


“And tell me, what use is the ship-of-state if all are not on board?”
From Tijan M.Sallah, The state

 Background 

After several decades of foreign domination, cultural suppression and economic exploitation, all independent African countries are still underdeveloped.   Despite the well intended policies on democracy and good governance, peace pacts and development programs being drawn, countries have only ended up in inter ethnic clashes, civil wars, or full scale genocide as the case of Kenya, Liberia and Rwanda.  The origins of these crises are so varied and complex that they cannot be simplified into one simple cause but a close analysis shows that colonial legacies, internal factors within states and to an extent the very nature of human society could be mentioned as the major causes. 

Conflicts in essence are organic parts of human societies and are essentially a manifestation of an inherent contradiction in social relations.  However, when they reach the level of open violence, it is due to societal failure in managing its people in a peaceful, just and equitable manner.  This is why the explanation for increasing conflicts on the African continent seems to lie in types of governance at work. 

In good governance, democracy and development management, people are the means and the end to their own development.  They have different amounts of power and resources and different interests all of which the governments must try to represent and respond to if they are to act effectively.  In nearly all African governments, the needs and preferences of the wealthy and powerful are official policy goals and priorities. This is rarely true of the poor and marginalized who struggle to get their voices heard in the corridors of power. As a result, these and other less vocal groups tend to be ill served by public policies and services, including those that should benefit them most.  Contrary to the above reality development experts have been looking at poor people as the problem and the solution of which is believed to bring knowledge and technology from outside. 

From the social and economic aspect of the matter, in the Berlin Conference, the African continent was partitioned among the major European powers. The driving force and the rationale behind the European scramble for Africa then was to secure control of precious raw material sources to feed European industries. As a direct consequence of this, African peoples were dissected into several colonial domains without consideration to human geography or ethnic identity whatsoever. Such divisions have had grave consequences on the socio- economic and cultural survival of the people in the Great Lakes region. 

In 1982, Kinyarwanda speaking Ugandans were expelt from Uganda on the pretext that they were not “true” Ugandans during the infamous “Banyarwanda exodus.” The discriminate Ugandans had to join hands with the warring Uganda Patriotic Movement led by Yoweri Museveni, the present Ugandan president, to overthrow President Milton Obote. 

In 1997, the late president Mobutu of Zaire followed suit.  Expulsion of the indigenous Banyamulenge labeled Rwandese became the immediate cause of the fall of the Kinshasa regime. 

Indirect consequences include discrimination in favor of a few elite, ethnic and regional divisions all of which were emerged by colonialists and became more entrenched by the post-colonial regimes.  For example, in Rwanda, Belgians established exclusive schools for the Tutsi administrators and ordinary Hutus. This division created  the development of a serious rift between the two, and that coupled with other factors, culminated in the genocide that almost exterminated entire families. In Uganda, the British governors insisted that for anyone to be recruited in the Army, he had to be 5-Foot tall. The reason was to favor the tall Nilotics against the Bantu westerners. 

On gender equality, the policies of discrimination and exclusion of women aggravated the already existing imbalances to gradual dis-empowerment of a large section of the population. 

After independence there were, in some cases, evident attempts in Africa to overcome the problems inherited from colonialism and to chart a long-term sustainable development strategy. In a few cases such as in Tanzania, the transition has been peaceful, though not without problems.  In other countries (e.g. Uganda and Rwanda), the transition was characterized by calamitous events that spelled a heavy loss of life, large-scale human sufferings, great human and material destruction. 

This research paper highlights the link between good governance and gender equality to the challenges of conflict prevention, management and resolution with particular emphasis on Rwanda. 

1.     The Road to Good Governance and Democratization 

Since 1959, Rwandese have gone through a period of turmoil and relentless human rights abuses. During this period, the state machinery became an instrument of violence against sections of the population. Denied the rights to citizenship, Rwandese became some of the earliest refugees on the African continent. Discrimination on the basis of ethnicity and regional differences became more entrenched and wide spread. Political exclusion became the guiding principle in theory and practice. Social and economic benefits became more and more exclusive privileges of a narrow circle of those who were in power. 

Having exhausted all possible peaceful means to redress the unsolved problems, the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) waged an armed struggle against the Kigali regime in October 1990.   In 1993, the former government of Rwanda and the warring RPF signed a peace accord in Arusha. This agreement was to be the starting point of decentralization and democratic governance for Rwanda. The key elements for this type of governance are: 

ª             Participation of all citizens including marginalized groups like the rural poor and women in the democratization process;

ª             Transparency;

ª             Accountability;

ª             Respect for human rights;

ª             Rule of law. 

The establishment of the Government of National Unity in 1994 was a step further in this struggle to reconcile and unite Rwandese people, eradicate the culture of impunity and create a new political dispensation based on inclusion.  It was also important to establish conditions for social and economic transformation, guarantee security for all Rwandese people and their property. 

The agreement was signed before the genocide. On coming into power the new government’s immediate challenge was to address unforeseen problems caused by the genocide and prevent the country from sliding further into conflict by: 

ª             Ensuring safe return of old and new caseload refugees

ª             Resettling the old caseload refugees as stipulated in the 1993 Arusha peace accord.

ª             Strengthening the social fabric and creating an atmosphere of peace and reconciliation.

ª             Putting mechanisms for transition from relief, rehabilitation in order to achieve sustainable national development. 

1.1              Justification for Democratization and Good Governance 

For Rwanda, Participatory Democracy is not only a condition in the Arusha peace accord but it is a prerequisite towards ensuring gender equality, conflict prevention, management and resolution. A multiplicity of factors reveals a need for an approach in governance and development where grassroots people have a meaningful say in the future they want and even go further to design strategies towards achieving it. This is true for Africa at large and Rwanda in particular. The bitter realities in Rwanda’s history plus the need to ensure balanced sustainable national development spell a dire need for the government’s unwavering commitment to democracy. 

In its attempt to ensure good governance and democracy, Rwanda has made significant progress in establishing guidelines for broader participation by civil society at the local and central levels. Some of the key considerations are highlighted below. 

1.1.1    To Correct Mistakes Made by the Past Regimes 

The past regimes that led the country to the worst genocide ever recorded in history used a top-down approach. All policies were conceived and directed from the center. The governments at the time used centralized power to divide the people and that culminated in the genocide of 1994. Overcoming these divisive forces requires a strategy, which facilitates people to see themselves as partners and beneficiaries of development programs because they are primarily Rwandese, not because they belong to a particular group or region. A policy on participatory democracy and development is such a strategy. 

1.1.2    To Create an Atmosphere of Peace and Reconciliation 

Participatory democracy is a process through which social conflict can be healed. People with differences are more likely to be united around an activity that they do jointly than simple rhetoric or projects that are designed for them by unknown “experts”.  In the process of problem identification, Rwandese have been known to talk about their differences freely and realized that they have more binding ties than differences.  Participation in their own development can help Rwandese to concentrate more on what unites them than what divides them. 

1.1.3    Ensure Self Reliance and Sustainable Development 

The Government’s vision as expressed through the Ministry of Local Government is that for any development projects to have impact, the target groups contribute in an integral way to the identification of their needs and project designing, project monitoring and evaluation.  More often than not, the approach to development has been “cut and paste” by “experts” who are total strangers to the social dynamics of the community. These projects are subsequently imposed on the target population. 

Much as the development workers have good intentions of developing the communities in question, the beneficiaries do not have commitment to their own development. Target groups should participate in identifying the root causes of the problems that the projects aim at addressing. Participation at all levels of project conceptualization increases beneficiaries’ sense of ownership hence development must lie in the grassroots communities’ own hands to avoid dependency syndromes. 

1.1.4        To Mobilize the  People 

Experience has made it clear that Rwandese if mobilized can participate actively. The past regimes mobilized them towards negative participation the climax of which was the 1994 genocide. However, violence is not a culturally sanctioned practice and despite all the evils associated with it, it showed that Rwandese have the capacity to respond to mobilization.  Through empowering them to self-discovery and self-criticism, Rwandese will be mobilized towards self-liberation, transformation and lasting development, which is the core of creative human living. 

1.1.5    To Foster Democracy 

In true democracy, all power belongs to the people who in turn dispense part of it to their leaders. There is no other time when this power is voiced than during participatory assessment of social factors.  If final authority rests in the hands of the traditional decision makers in the top-down approach, there is a risk of raising people’s expectations in participatory needs assessments and then disappointing them. 

Within the government of Rwanda’s decentralization policy, the approach aims at reinforcing local people’s organizational and participatory capacities. This will allow rural people to plan and implement activities and projects according to the priorities they themselves have set. In the same breath, people will participate in choosing their own leaders, assign them responsibilities and make them accountable to the electorate. 

1.1.6    To Put Resources to a Better Use 

Labor supply is one resource that Rwanda has abundantly. Participatory approach can contribute to positive use of this important resource. Besides human labor, increased contribution on the part of the beneficiaries themselves can lead to better allocation of scarce development resources. Through such people-centered approach, they will be more willing to invest their time and energy in activities, which they themselves have identified as useful. 

1.2     The Role of the State or Local Governance in Democracy 

Good governance cannot take place without people’s participation. The state has the following responsibilities: 

ª             to create forum for popular consultations

ª             the state leadership should know everything

ª             a providing state is no state

ª             organize communities for primary role in sustainable development 

1.3     Good Governance Accompanies Participation of the Population. 

It requires: 

ª             participatory planning

ª             integrating transparency in management and decision-making

ª             the involvement of communities in the identification of problems and planning of development projects

ª             promotion of civil society 

Since participation is a key to good governance, the government should aim at: 

(a)           Reconciling the traditional and modern outlook to life (for instance, viewing civil society as a partner in development);

(b)          Transferring development roles to local level e.g. decision-making, technology and law. For that reason, participation considers:

(i)             Forming multi-disciplinary teams;

(ii)           Having multi-sectoral backgrounds;

(c)           Integrating these concepts in participatory development;

(d)          Involving gender (women) as a labor force in development. 

1.4     Change in Attitude and Behavior 

Actors in development should fully understand and be convinced if change is to have an impact. This calls for popular education and circulation of information for better participation at all levels. 

1.5     Conceptual Framework for Participation in Democratization 

Participation is a process through which beneficiaries influence, share and control the decision-making process in their development at any level. The government of Rwanda has gone through the four key levels of participation: 

1.            Information: 

To ensure that institutions and communities are to be part of the game, they have been informed through the elected women committees and Community Development Committees. 

2.            Consultation: 

There has been a two-way communication. Forum for dialogue on community development, type of governance and the people’s perception of the past, present, and the future they want to have. 

3.       Collaboration and Partnership: 

Communities and institutions have to collaborate in the whole process. Through information and consultation, the ultimate goal was to have Rwandese of all categories as active partners and not mere beneficiaries who tackled the participatory approach from the point of view of democratic governance. 

1.             Ownership: 

The expected long-term achievement is that Rwandese will go beyond collaboration and ownership and become owners of their own development. 

Since participation is not an isolated concept, it is backed by a strong political will to include civil society in making sustainable social development analysis. 

It takes the following into account: 

(a)           Demographic, social, Economic statistics

(b)          Social development organizations

(c)           Political organizations

(d)          Cultural and gender disparities 

Gender is a cross-cutting aspect at all levels. It is important to consider the role of men and women at all these stages.  In this paper, the gender component is treated independently. The cycle below introduces the central place of gender in conflict prevention and management in participatory development and democracy. 

Interaction in Participatory democracy process 

                         

3.   Gender on the National Agenda  

The government of National Unity is committed to the promotion of equitable development, with the democratic rights of every individual being its cornerstone. Opening a gender and development seminar organized by the National Parliament on 4 November 1999, the Vice-President had this to say: 

It is our hope that this seminar will go a long way in bringing from the periphery the question of gender to the center stage of our political economic and social agenda and in all matters of critical importance affecting the present and future well-being of all segments of our society.  

For the Government of national unity, gender equality is regarded as a key tool in solving most of the problems inherited from the previous regimes. In the same speech, the Vice-president gave his opinion on the same issue; “My understanding of gender is that it is an issue of good governance, good economic management and respect of human rights”. 

There is an increasing awareness and recognition that gender and women in development are important variables for sustainable development.  In practice, the following indicators reflect this commitment: 

 3.2        Increased Participation of Women in Decision-Making 

This forms part of the government’s commitment to have democratic governance.  Women’s involvement at all levels of decision-making points at more autonomous, responsive and accountable local governance and broader participation by all citizens at all levels. There is still a long way to go but there are tangible attempts towards giving women a meaningful say in the overall national development. The table below shows a low but positive trend. 

Nominated Women in Key Positions of Decision-Making (Policy Level) 

Post/Year

1995

1997

1999

 

M

W

%W

M

W

%W

M

W

%W

Minister & Secretary of state

19

2

9.5

23

2

86

19

2

9.5

Members of parliament

59

11

15.7

59

11

15.75

59

15

21

Diplomats

72

5

6.4

72

5

6.4

-

-

-

Secretaries General

17

5

22.7

23

4

14.8

14

7

33.3

Prefets

10

1

9

11

1

7.6

12

0

0

Bourgmasters

142

3

2

152

2

1.3

153

1

0.6

M  = Men        W= Women 

ª             Women Members of parliament  increased from 15.7%  in 1995 to 21% in 1999

ª             Women Secretaries General from 22.7% in 1995 to 33% in 1999

ª             Ministers have remained at 9.5%

ª             Prefets have decreased from 9% in 1995 to  0 % 1999 

It is important to note that during the March 1999 popular elections, women formed more than 30 % of leaders elected in grass root local committees set up by the presidential decree of 24 December 1998 on the reorganization of local administration at sector and cellule levels. 

N.B. The observation here is that women appear more through free and fair elections as exemplified in the elections results in comparison with results in posts of nomination. 

Women Councils 

As part of the government’s commitment in creating fora for popular consultations, women councils have been elected. It is a structure for all women from all walks of life. 

This is where: 

ª             They can interact and share ideas

ª             Women can  get used to analyzing and finding solutions to  their problems

ª             Women can get room to participate in national development and develop a nationalistic view of their country

ª             Donors can  reach women easily

ª             Women can learn new skills and improve on the existing ones

ª             Women’s voice in the country’s leadership can be reached and their participation in national programs can be ensured. 

3.3       Economic Empowerment of Women 

In Rwanda, women constitute 54% of the total population. Poverty reduction for 54% of its people is critical not only as a goal in itself but also as a means to improve prospects for social and political stability. 

3.4       Specific Strategies on Education and Training of the Girl-Child 

Education is a basic human right and a foundation for development. The Government of Rwanda is committed to mapping out concrete measures for all its school going children (boys and girls) to develop their potential to become intelligent and productive citizens. Many benefits accrue to the family and society when women are educated. Family health care and nutrition improve, and there is a higher chance for child survival and better physical and intellectual development. Studies have indicated that each additional year of schooling for women is associated with a decline in infant mortality rate of between 5% and 10%.  Higher levels of female education result in higher aspirations for the children. 

For Rwanda, the year 1996 can be considered as the starting point after the 1994 war and genocide. It marks the opening of some primary schools for 1,017,468 pupils. 49% of these were girls. In the same year, 19,194 students entered secondary schools and the national university admitted 46 girls. 

Education policy in Rwanda is based on three major macro policies: 

  1. Development of human resources

  2. Eradication of poverty

  3. National economic growth

National reconciliation and national unity considers education for girls a necessary precondition to the attainment of these objectives. It is not only that girls constitute a larger percentage of the population but their fundamental role in the implementation of the macro policies mentioned above was noted.  That is why the government of national unity and the Ministry of Education give this sub-sector special attention. The Ministry of Education further recognizes the multiplier effect that educating a girl or a woman could have on the promotion of education in general. 

4.       The Quest for Peace

4.1     Causes and Consequences of Conflict 

African countries have different histories and geographical conditions, different stages of economic development, different sets of public policies and different patterns of internal and international interactions. The sources of conflict in Africa reflect this diversity and complexity. Some causes are purely internal some others reflect the dynamics of a particular subregion and still some others have important international dimensions. Despite these differences, the causes of conflict in Africa have some striking similarities. 

4.1.1    External factors 

During the Cold War, external efforts to undermine African governments were a familiar feature of the super powers’ competition. With the end of the Cold War, external interventions have diminished but not disappeared. The French played a key role in causing and sustaining the conflict in Rwanda (to be developed later in the challenges). 

4.1.2    Colonial legacy 

The 1885 Berlin conference created colonial boundaries, which posed a threat to the integrity of African communities and even families. Ethnic groups found themselves divided across colonial boundaries as subjects of different colonial powers. Examples include the Samias of Uganda and Kenya, the Kenyan Somalis and the classic example of Kinyarwanda speaking Bafumbira (in Uganda) and Banyamulenge in the Democratic Republic of Congo. 

4.1.3    Internal causes 

There is a growing awareness that Africa should look beyond its colonial past for causes of conflict. African countries should look at themselves for causes of current conflict. Political policies in many African states, coupled with the perceived and real consequences of capturing and sticking to power are key causes of conflict across the continent. 

There is an assumption thatthe winner takes it all” became a cause of internal wars and strife in Uganda for about two decades. A communal sense of favored and un-favored groups in the community is often closely linked to this phenomenon. It is in many cases heightened by centralized and highly personalized forms of governance, with insufficient accountability of leaders, lack of transparency, inadequate checks and balances, non-adherence to rule of law, absence of peaceful means to change or replace leadership or lack of respect for human rights.  All these are common characteristics of the dictatorial regimes in former Zaire, Uganda and Rwanda. It takes several years of bloody conflicts to rectify such a situation. 

Rwanda is a case to reflect the irreversible consequences of conflicts on the African continent. All across the country, one meets “Museums” of human remains, the hopelessness of the survivors of genocide, high numbers of able-bodied Rwandese languishing in prisons and the social wreckage that comes with armed conflicts. Research on this wreckage cannot document the full extent of physical and psychological scars caused during the tragedy that destroyed much of Rwanda’s human resource. 

The tables below attempt to record the violence done against women only. 

Type of violence

Direct questions

Questions asked

Frequencies

 

to victims

in general

%

 

     

374

838

39.3

74.5

Deep cuts

752

945

79.1

84.0

Confinement

285

404

30.0

35.9

Undressing

270

475

28.4

42.2

Physical torture

302

447

31.8

39.7

Humiliation in public

310

401

32.6

35.6

Cruel death

 

1062

 

94.4

Others

48

56

5.0

5.0

Total number of women interviewed

951

1125

 

 

 Note that the damage was done to the most sensitive/useful parts of the body 

Infirmity

numbers

Proportion

Amputation of legs

39

7.9

Amputation of arms

27

5.5

Amputation of fingers

8

1.6

Dislocation of  joints

25

5.1

Deep cuts

17

3.5

Effects on respiratory organs

11

2.2

Effects on the skeleton

8

1.6

Effects on the backbone

6

1.2

Effects on the stomach organs

12

2.3

Incapacity in using hands

25

5.1

Incapacity in using legs

62

12.6

Incapacity in using neck

3

0.6

Paralysis

23

4.7

Blindness

14

2.6

Permanent effect on the head

20

4.1

Breaking the backbone

64

13.0

Sterility

16

3.3

STDs

26

5.3

AIDS

327

66.7

Heart problems

30

6.1

Breathing difficulties