DPMN Bulletin: Volume X, Number 1, January 2003

A Review of Education Policy in Africa

Kwabena Gyimah-Brempong

Introduction

 

T he importance of education in the development process cannot be over-emphasised. Besides training the workforce for increasingly complex tasks, education is important for nation building, health, and governance, to mention a few. Rapid technological progress in a broad range of areas has made education a necessity for all citizens. This necessity, combined with rapid population growth in Africa, has greatly increased the demand for education. Unfortunately, as the demand for education increases, Africa’s ability to supply education to its citizens seems to be in relative decline. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP 2002) indicates that Africa has the lowest index of educational development in the world. For example, Sub-Saharan Africa has an education index of 0.55, adult literacy rate of 60 per cent, and a combined gross primary and secondary enrolment rate of 42 per cent. The comparable figures for developing world averages are 0.69, 73.7 per cent, and 61 per cent, respectively.  In addition to low rates of education, there is gender inequity with twice as many males that are literate as are women and urban/rural disparity.

 

This article[1]  briefly reviews education policy in Africa. The review is neither comprehensive nor focuses on particular country experiences. It does not discuss pedagogy but focuses on issues of efficiency and effectiveness. The review does not dwell on the causes of the current state of education in Africa but on what can and should be done to improve education generally, and science and technology education particularly. The aim of this review is to provoke a serious discussion on educational policy and reforms in Africa. Given the complexity of the subject and space limitations, the review will be limited to three areas of concern: access, relevance and quality. 

Current Education Policy in Africa

 

Educational systems in African countries provide credentials, not skills, to their graduates. In a labour market that rewards credentials rather than skills, the more credential one possesses, the stronger the signal for success; hence African students demand more complex but less useful credentials. The less useful a given credential is, the greater the demand since it is required for the next level of credentialing. Current education policy in African countries (with a few notable exceptions) may be characterised as “see nothing wrong, do nothing to change the system”. In effect, continue to do the same things and hope for the best. The evidences of failure abound: low enrolment rates and high dropout rates, unequal access (between males and females and between urban and rural), teacher absenteeism, low and declining performance by international standards. Yet policy makers make no serious attempts to address these issues. African educational problems are part of larger social problems that include corruption, conflict, and poor governance. 

Access

 

Enrolment ratios for primary schools in African countries averaging about 80 per cent, are about 25 per cent for secondary schools and less than 5 per cent for tertiary institutions. African countries ration available spaces by location (urban versus rural), by influence and connections (children of the influential get the best) and gender (boys are favoured), but not necessarily on merit. The major reason given for the low enrolment ratios is lack of resources to finance the provision of education. However, African countries could get more out of their education resources if these were allocated efficiently.  Efficiency requires that resources be allocated to activities in which the marginal benefit to cost ratio is the highest. Given that the social rate of return to primary education in African countries is higher than the social rate of return to higher education and that social rate of return to female education is higher than that for male education (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos 2002), it stands to reason that African countries will have to increase their support for primary and female education relative to tertiary and male education, even if they cannot increase resources allocated to the provision of education because policy makers do not have the political courage or the interest to change it. Yet the reverse is what is happening in African countries. For example, African governments spend forty-four times as much on each university student as they do on each primary school student. 

Relevance

 

One of the major weaknesses of African education is the irrelevance of the curricula to the needs of Africa. The curricula in African schools are the ones left by the colonial masters, preparing students to help administer colonies. In a world increasingly dominated by science and technology, African educational systems continue to graduate students with little knowledge of basic science and technology. In upper secondary school and university classes, fewer than 10 per cent of the students were enrolled in the sciences and mathematics in 1996 (African Development Bank 1999), and universities still provide degrees in subjects like Graeco-Roman civilization[2] . At a time when the colonial masters are revamping their curricula to stress science and technology education, African countries are reinforcing the irrelevant curricula that the colonial masters established in the 19th century. While Africa faces critical shortages of skills, African educational systems squander scarce resources to turn out graduates who are not equipped to contribute to the building of the continent. 

Quality

 

There is evidence that the quality of African education (from primary to university) is low and falling. While educational quality is multidimensional there are indications that the quality of education in African countries has fallen in recent years. African students have performed below the mean on international assessment tests in mathematics and science, dropout rates continue to increase, and students are not able to perform at the grade level. Learning emphasis is on memorisation to pass common matriculation examinations rather than on the development of analytical and problem-solving skills. Yet, with the exception of matriculation examinations, there are no serious policy attempts to improve educational quality. Several reasons are given for the falling quality but the most often cited is lack of resources, including trained teachers, books, and laboratory equipment. Though the lack of resources may be a source of low and falling quality, the major source of low quality, in my view, is inefficiency and mismanagement of existing resources. Despite the evidence that school inputs, books, and laboratory equipment have marginal efficiency ratios, often more than ten times that of teacher salaries (Hanusheck and Kim 1996), almost all expenditures on education at primary and secondary schools in Africa are for teacher salaries. A better input ratio will greatly improve efficiency. Inefficiency may result from the power of entrenched interest groups, lack of local involvement in decision-making, indifference or corruption on the part of policy makers. 

Reforms

 

Given the rapidly increasing demand for education and African governments’ inability to supply the needed space in the given quality, policy makers need to make some necessary choices. There are a number of policies available for African countries to reform their education sectors. In view of poor economic performance and tight budgets in the short-term, reforms will involve reallocating existing resources. Long-term reforms will include increasing education funding.

 

Enhancing Access

 

African countries cannot provide free education at all levels for all people. Governments should therefore choose to provide high quality universal, free, and compulsory primary and lower secondary education by redirecting expenditures from tertiary institutions to primary education. Senior secondary and tertiary institution students should be made responsible for the cost of their education with governments providing loan guarantees and targeted scholarships in priority areas such as science and engineering, and gender equity. Central governments should cost-share education funding with local governments and parent/teacher associations. There is evidence that even low income parents are willing to pay to support their children’s education (Ablo and Reinikka 2002). Another way to increase the provision of education at all levels is though the private sector. Besides traditional methods of private sector provision, governments could allow the private sector to rent public facilities when not in use (e.g., evenings and weekends) to provide instructions, thus reducing cost, which is then passed onto students. Although private provision of education is controversial in some African countries, it need not be so since it adds to the total supply of education in a country. Furthermore, private provision is implicitly occurring in African countries, as the affluent send their children to schools in developed countries. Allowing the provision of this type of education in African countries has the potential for “technological” spillover in education administration. Governments should provide support for promising students who come from families with low income, who choose to attend these private schools, if there is concern about equal access. In addition to these, African educational systems will have to experiment with alternative delivery systems, such as radio-delivered instructions, and expand non-residential and part-time student admissions.

 

Relevance

 

Curricula reforms seem to be the first policy area for African education. Curricula should emphasise integrating experimental science and technology into all subjects at all grade levels. Nations should aim at 70 per cent of students in senior secondary schools and universities to major in science, mathematics and technology, with special efforts to attract females to these areas. Besides targeting education to meet labour market needs for Africa, emphasis should be put on science, mathematics, and technology.  Curricula should emphasise African customs and African institutions. Meaningful curricula reforms cannot be left to “educators” alone; business, community leaders, and parents must be involved in the development of the curricula. Governments should then provide targeted scholarships for higher secondary and tertiary students in priority areas. In addition, wage policy should reflect relative shortages of skills rather than the current system of rewarding credentials.

 

Quality

 

Quality should be a top priority of educational reforms in African countries. The central government should set high standards (in line with the best anywhere in the world) but monitor performance and leave local school boards to find efficient ways to achieve these standards. Although education resources are more limited in African countries than elsewhere, there can be very large gains if the available resources are allocated efficiently. Teacher salaries may be low in African countries, but using all funds to pay teacher salaries implies that there are no complementary inputs in the education production process. The reason for this situation may be due to poor administration resulting from centralised control. Management of schools should be devolved to local school boards that hire and fire school administrators based on performance. Local control will make it easier for local contribution to fund as well as improve efficiency (Jimenez and Paqueo 1996). Any effort aimed at improving quality will involve the reallocation of resources from salaries and administration to the provision of other materials such as books and laboratory equipment, central governments giving local governments taxing authority to raise the necessary revenue, better teacher training and retention, and changing the incentive structure to reward success and punish chronic failure. Policy makers and administrators should be creative and entrepreneurial in finding new sources of revenue to support education. An unexplored and untapped source of support is the alumni of various institutions, especially those in the Diaspora. 

Conclusion

 

One reason why African countries are not able to reform their education systems may be lack of political courage to take on entrenched interest groups. University students and teachers unions tend to be well-organised powerful political forces in African countries. Attempts to reduce the privileges they enjoy are met with fierce resistance that African governments cannot overcome. The reality of the political economy of budgeting is that policy makers will not make expenditure changes that elicit serious political challenges (Gyimah-Brempong 1998). The second reason may be that education policy makers are beneficiaries of the current system; so they have no incentive to reform it. If education is to be improved, the pressure for improvement will have to come from the population as a whole.

 

Hopefully, as democracy takes root in Africa, the general population can bring political pressure to bear on their elected officials and education leaders to make the necessary reforms.

 

References

 

Ablo, E., and R. Reinikka. 2002. Do budgets really matter? Evidence from public spending on education and health in Uganda. World Bank Working Paper. Washington: World Bank.

 

African Development Bank (ADB). 1999. Education Sector Policy Paper. Abidjan: African Development Bank.

 

Psacharopoulos, G., and A. Patrinos. 2002. Returns to education: A further update. World Bank Policy Research Paper, No. 2881. Washington: World Bank.

 

Gyimah-Brempong, K. 1998. The political economy of budgeting in Africa, 1971-1991. Public Budgeting and Financial Management 9 (4): 590-616.

 

_____. 2001. Human Resource Development II: Education, Science, and Technology. Addis Ababa:  Economic Social Policy Division of Economic Commission for Africa.

 

Hanusheck, E., and D. Kim. 1996. Schooling, labor force and growth of nations. Mimeo. University of Rochester.

 

Jimenez, E., and V. Paqueo. 1996. Do local contributions affect the efficiency of public primary schools? Economics of Education Review 15 (4): 377-386.

 

Kremer, M., S. Moohn, D. Myatt, and N. Namunya. 1997. Textbooks, class size, and test scores: Evidence from a prospective evaluation in Kenya.  Labour and Population Workshop. Yale University.

 

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 2002. Human Development Report 2000. New York: Oxford University Press.

 

World Bank.  1995. Priorities and strategies for education. Washington: World Bank.



[1] The views expressed in this paper are the views of the author alone and do not represent the views of the National Science Foundation. I thank John Karikari and Daniel Newlon for helpful comments. I am, however, solely responsible for any remaining errors.

[2] “Graeco-Roman Civilization” was one of the majors offered at the author’s undergraduate university.